FIRST HOMECOMING 1887-1888
- Decision to return home.
Because of the publication of the Noli Me Tangere and the uproar it caused among the friars. Rizal was warned by Paciano (his brother).Silvestre Ubaldo (his brother in- law), Chengoy (Jose M. Cecilio) and other friends not to return home. But he did not heed their warning. He was determined to return to the Philippines for the following reason: 1) to operate his mother’s eyes, 2) to serve his people who had long been oppressed by Spanish tyrants; 3) to find out for him how the Noli and his other writings were affecting Filipinos & Spaniards in the Philippines; 4) to inquire why Leonora Rivera remained silent.
- Delightful Trip to Manila
Rizal left Rome by train for Marseilles. He boarded the streamer Djemnah.The same steamer which brought him to Europe five years ago. There were about 50 passengers including 4 Englishmen, 2 Germans, 3 Chinese, 2 Japanese, many Frenchmen and 1 Filipino (Rizal). On July 30, he transferred to another steamer Haiphong which was Manila-bound.
- Arrival in Manila
August 5, the Haiphong arrived in Manila. He stayed in the city for a short time. He
found Manila the same as when he left it 5 years ago.
- Happy Homecoming
On August 8, he returned to Calamba. His family welcomed him affectionally, with plentiful tears of joys. His family became worried about his safety. Paciano did not leave him to protect him from any enemy assault.
He establish a medical clinic in Calamba, his mother was his first patient. He could
not perform any surgical operations because her eyes cataracts were not yet ripe.
Patients from Manila and other provinces flocked to Calamba. Rizal who came to be called “Dr. Ulman” his professional fees were reasonable. By February 1888, he earned P5,000 as medical fees. Rizal did not selfishly devote all his time to enriching himself. He opened a gymnasium for young folks and introduced European sports.
He failed to see Leonora Rivera. Leonora’s mother did not like him to be son in-law.
- Storm Over Noli
Few weeks after his arrival, Rizal received a letter from Governor General Emelio Terrero requesting him to come to Malacanang Palace. When Governor General Terrero informed him of the charge, he denied it. Gov. Gen. Terrero was pleased by Rizal’s explanation and curious about his book.

Hindrances to Education

Child and Education Hindrances to Education Poverty Accessibility Environmental Factors Health Problems Child Labor Early Parenthood Peer Pressure Family Support Age Gap Continuing the PROCESS of Learning Opportunities that AWAITS these Children

Basic education is a right given to every person in the community while secondary, according to Art.13 of International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights "shall be made generally available and accessible to all by every appropriate means and in particular by the progressive introduction of free education". In contrast to secondary education being open to everyone, higher education should be available "on basis of capacity". Though the government or the state prioritizes education, many children still fail to study. There is approximately 121 million children out of education worldwide. Majority of them are girls. This number of out of school youth is affected by factors such as: 1. Poverty Poverty is considered as the bottom line that hinders education. It starts the so-called “Domino Effect” of the fall of education to such distant communities. 2. Accessibility Children who pursue education find a way to struggle. As they make their own road by walking. They try to reach school the fastest way they can but the opportunities they get to continue to higher education come slow. 3. Environmental Factors The community is the environment which we try to point of an environment such as people, traditions, belief and cultures. These are just some of the factors, which we are not aware of, that prevent education to enhance a child’s achievements. 4. Health Problems Another difficulty of the government aside from education was to a lot higher budget for public health which in return drags citizens away from schooling. This deadly disease sure is hard to treat if we are not concern of curing it at all. 5. Child Labor Several students who fail to attend school are a part of child labor. Few of them toil to earn for their families though some, do it for those of superior to them. They are forced to perform tedious and repetitive jobs which are illegal by law. 6. Early Parenthood Sexual exploitation sometimes results to this early parental hood though minority of the cases is due to their own consent. This is a form of abuse wherein people especially children and women are not aware at that moment that they are sexually exploited for they are offered material things in return. 7. Peer Pressure Friends are meant to construct and improve you. They will serve as our second family though it is our responsibility to sift and choose the real ones. The wrong choices are the ones who bring you to a habit that they themselves perform. 8. Family’s support The smallest foundation of a society is a family. A group into which and individual belongs and is subjected to support his needs and some of his wants. 9. Age gap There is only a chance to attend and start schooling but if you fail to meet that chance you wouldn’t want to have another. Being inside a class full of students whom your child may have befriended may be embarrassing. However, education is timeless as long as you consider it to be

Recognising barriers: Mental health difficulties

Higher education is particularly strewn with barriers for some students with mental health difficulties. Many have no visible disability, and it can be difficult to identify the barriers to learning that exist as they vary so much from one person to another.

Barriers to learning for students with mental health difficulties may be related to their symptoms or to the side effects of their medication. Prescribed drugs may have unwelcome side effects , both psychological (e.g. increased anxiety, disorientation) and physical (e.g. stiffness, nausea, dizziness) that may have a significant impact on daily living and study.

Barriers to learning can also be due to a university environment that does not recognise and meet their needs. They may be directly related to study but can also be due to problems with everyday living.

Students may require time away from their studies for medical, psychiatric or therapeutic appointments – it is not always possible to fit these around their timetable.

As a tutor, try to understand these barriers and plan an appropriate and inclusive approach to your teaching.

Difficult to manage symptoms

Psychological distress and other difficult to manage symptoms can make it extremely difficult to concentrate on learning. Symptoms include anxiety and panic, disorientation, extreme emotions such as sadness or elation, and altered perception such as hearing voices. Unmanageable symptoms may cause major problems with attendance. Students coping with distress and mood swings may feel ‘unsafe’ and unable to cope with appearing in public or using public transport to get to university.

Unrealistic or inappropriate expectations

Some students with mental health difficulties find it difficult to see the ‘big picture’ or to make rational judgements about what is required from them as a student, which may lead to difficulties in setting achievable goals. This can also be one of the reasons why some students with mental health difficulties do not make the best use of the support strategies that are available to them.

Memory, concentration and organisation

Difficulties with memory and concentration can have a big impact on study and may affect both academic learning and the ability to keep appointments and meet deadlines. Students with these difficulties may not understand what is required of them. Difficulties with organisation are likely to adversely affect time management and planning.

Sleep problems and fatigue

Problems in these areas can seriously affect attendance and punctuality, particularly for early morning lectures, and can impact on staying power and the ability to meet challenging deadlines or complete complex or large tasks.

Social difficulties

Many students with mental health difficulties have problems communicating with others, making friends and sustaining relationships, and may not behave appropriately in social contexts. As a consequence they can feel isolated from their peers and very lonely.These problems can also present a huge barrier to learning in modern universities, where effective communication of ideas and collaborative work is essential.

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importance of home economics

Home Economics and its Importance to Students’ Futures

I strongly believe that home economics has an extremely important place in our educational system today. No other academic discipline incorporates in its curriculum as many pertinent life skills that will help students succeed independent of their chosen career paths. Referring back to past studies and my own personal beliefs, I hope to help the reader understand the benefits of receiving an education in home economics and how the knowledge obtained through this program will prove valuable throughout the lifespan.

In my opinion, the most important aspect of a home economics education is that students not only learn about subject matter that has relevance to their present lives, but will constantly be of use as they continue to grow. One area of home economics that is considered to be among the most essential is the emphasis on personal development, decision making and intrapersonal skills. According to a study done in Japan, students’ personal initiatives play an extremely large role in determining how they’ll react to their changing work situations (1). Those who lack the ability to make effective personal decisions are more at risk for experiencing hardships in the instabilities found in the real world. It was also found in the study that students do not feel they have the proper means to learn these valuable life skills at home (1). Taking courses in home economics at school allows students to acquire the necessary decision making, social, and communications skills deemed critical for occupational success.

In addition to the development of valuable intrapersonal skills, the home economics curriculum also introduces the students to a wide variety of potential career paths. Students become aware of all the career opportunities relating to each domain, as well as being taught the skills associated with them. Those who find themselves intrigued by course material may begin to consider an occupation in a related area. The home economics discipline has led individuals to the fields of education, nutrition, social service, and hospitality management, to name a few (8). It is hard to find a single subject taught in schools today that incorporates as many topics of interest as home economics, helping students to become more well-rounded individuals.

Consumer-related material covered in home economics courses is another area that provides students with information pertinent to their lives as adults. These programs help supply the students with an understanding on how economic, social, and cultural factors personally affect them and their behaviors in consumerism (5). While other academic courses may cover theoretical aspects personal finance, home economics gives a more practical, everyday application of the subject matter. However, there have been some criticisms to how useful learning about consumerism as adolescents actually is. Research on Finnish students showed that motivation to study consumerism in school was not particularly high, because they felt true consumerism started at adulthood (2). Despite the attitudes of this sample, I do believe children in home economics programs can benefit from learning purchasing practices at a young age. Because of its real-world applications, students may find these techniques conducive to their everyday lives.

what is home economics

What is Home Economics?

The term "home economics" may call up stereotypical images of girls busily sewing and cooking in 1950s classrooms, images that have led many people to view this field as fundamentally narrow, dull, and socially conservative. In the 1960s and 1970s, the women's movement was often critical of home economics, seeing it as a discipline that worked to restrict girls and women to traditional domestic and maternal roles. More recently, however, researchers in the field of women's history have been reevaluating home economics, developing an understanding of it as a profession that, although in some ways conservative in its outlook, opened up opportunities for women and had a broad impact on American society. There was always a significant degree of disagreement among home economists, and among the legislators, policy makers, and educators who supported them, about what the field's mission should be. Some were focused on the home, while others were more concerned with the broader social environment. Some saw home economics as a vehicle for creating vocational and economic opportunities for girls and women and for educating boys and men about domestic skills, while others sought to enforce traditional models of sex roles and family life. However, even the most conservative models of home economics offered some women a path to careers as teachers and researchers. The books and periodicals that are being made available through the Core Historical Literature of Home Economics project document the history of this field in all of its ambiguity and complexity.

Although the term "home economics" did not come into wide usage until the early twentieth century, efforts to formalize and teach principles of domesticity go back to the mid-1800s. Increases in literacy and in the availability of printed materials during the nineteenth century made possible the emergence of a literature on homemaking. One of the most influential early examples was the Treatise on Domestic Economy for the Use of Young Ladies at Home (1841), written by Catharine Beecher (1800-1878), an educator and social reformer who was a half-sister of the abolitionist Harriet Beecher Stowe. Beecher argued for the importance of domestic life and sought to apply scientific principles to childrearing, cooking, and housekeeping, and she also advocated access to liberal education for young woman, although she opposed female suffrage on the grounds that women should leave the public sphere to men.

Other forerunners of home economics were the cooking schools that began coming into being in the 1870s. Women such as Maria Parloa and Fannie Farmer, both of whom taught at the famous Boston Cooking School, offered instruction in preparing healthful, low-cost meals. At first they provided training mainly for professional cooks, but over time they opened up their classes to an eager general public. Teachers during this period also published some of the first cookbooks directed at a large popular audience.

An important event in the development of home economics as an academic field was the passage of the Morrill Act in 1862, which led to the establishment of land-grant colleges in each state. Until that time, American higher education had focused largely on teaching the classics and on preparing young men for white-collar professions such as medicine, law, and the ministry. The Morrill Act mandated a wider mission for the institutions it funded, covering not only the traditional curriculum, but also research and instruction in practical areas of endeavor. These included what were called the "mechanic arts," but the major emphasis was on agriculture, given that the United States was at that time still a predominantly agrarian society. Unlike most private colleges, the land-grant schools were open to women, and, over time, a belief emerged that farmers' wives were also in need of scientific training in order to carry out what was then understood to be their role in rural life: management of the household. Activities such as cooking, housecleaning, sewing, laundry, care of the sick, and sanitation were all to be transformed and modernized through the application of scientific theories and techniques. In the last decades of the nineteenth century, the land-grant schools, along with a few private institutions, established courses of instruction in what was generally called "domestic science."

Ellen Richards (1842-1911) was one of the major figures in the emergence of home economics as a profession. As a young woman who had grown up in modest circumstances in a small town in Massachusetts, she defied convention by leaving home to attend the newly founded Vassar College, from which she received a bachelor's and later a master's degree. She went on to be the first, and for many years the only, woman to earn a degree at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. After graduating, she taught at M.I.T. as an instructor of sanitary education. She was also active in public health and social reform efforts in the Boston area. Throughout her career, she emphasized the influence of environment on health and well-being.

Beginning in 1899, Richards, along with Melvil Dewey and other educators and activists, organized a series of annual gatherings that became known as the Lake Placid Conferences, because the first of these, and several of the later ones, was held at Lake Placid, New York. Out of these conferences, a movement took shape that slowly defined itself and began pursuing specific goals. At the first conference, participants agreed on the term "home economics," which was held to be sufficiently broad to cover a wide range of concerns, and they began energetic and successful efforts to promote the teaching of home economics in secondary schools and in colleges and universities. (Attentive readers will notice that the conference proceedings use unfamiliar spelling-a product of Dewey's spelling reform efforts.)

In 1908, conference participants formed the American Home Economics Association. This organization effectively lobbied federal and state governments to provide funding for home economics research and teaching, including adult education work through agricultural extension services, leading to the rapid expansion of educational programs. Over the following decades, home economists worked as homemakers and parents, and also played significant roles in diverse areas of public life. Many pursued careers in business, including the food industry, textiles and clothing, hotel and restaurant management, and interior design. Home economists also often found jobs in public-sector and nonprofit organizations in such fields as public health, institutional management, social work, housing, and, of course, education. In addition, home economists contributed heavily to public debate on a variety of policy issues, including social welfare, nutrition, child development, housing, consumer protection and advocacy, and standardization of textiles and other consumer products. The many facets of home economics are explored in more detail in the short essays that accompany each of the subject bibliographies on this web site.

Home Economics

by Wendell Berry

192 pages, paperback, North Point Press, 1987, $13.00

The essays in Home Economics present a clearly reasoned, strongly worded indictment of our present economic system and the foolish squandering of resources that it fosters.

Praise for Home Economics

"Whether as critic or as champion, Wendell Berry offers careful insights into our personal and national situation in a prose that is ringing and clear."--from the cover of Home Economics

Quotes from Home Economics

"The 'free market' is economic Darwinism, with one critical qualification. Whereas the Darwinian biologists have always acknowledged the violence of the competitive principle, the political Darwinians have been unable to resist the temptation to suggest that on the 'free market' both predator and prey are beneficiaries. When economic ruin occurs, according to this view, it occurs only as a result of economic justice. Thus, David Stockman could suggest that the present dispossession of thousands of farm families is merely the result of the working of a 'dynamic economy,' which compensates their losses by 'massive explosions of new jobs and investment . . . occurring elsewhere, in Silicon Valley.' That these failures and successes are not happening to the same people or even to the same groups of people is an insight beyond the reach of Mr. Stockman's equipment. By his reasoning, we may readily see that the poverty of the poor is justified by the richness of the rich."

. . .

"[Fallacy] That productivity is a sufficient standard of production.

"American agriculture is fantastically productive, and by now we all ought to know it. That American agriculture is also fantastically expensive is less known, but it is equally undeniable, even though the costs have not yet entered into the official accounting. The costs are in loss of soil, in loss of farms and farmers, in soil and water pollution, in food pollution, in the decay of country towns and communities, and in the increasing vulnerability of the food supply system. The statistics of productivity alone cannot show these costs. We are nevertheless approaching a 'bottom line' that is not on our books."

"[D]ay by day, we are acting out the plot of a murderous paradox: an 'economy' that leads to extravagance. Our great fault as a people is that we do not take care of things. Our economy is such that we say we 'cannot afford' to take care of things: Labor is expensive, time is expensive, money is expensive, but materials--the stuff of creation-- are so cheap that we cannot afford to take care of them. The wrecking ball is characteristic of our way with materials. We 'cannot afford' to log a forest selectively, to mine without destroying topography, or to farm without catastrophic soil erosion. A production-oriented economy can indeed live in this way, but only so long as production lasts.

"Suppose that, foreseeing the inevitable failure of this sort of production, we see that we must assign a value to continuity. If that happens, then our standard of production will have to change; indeed, it will already have changed, for the standard of productivity alone cannot permit us to see that continuity has a value. The value of continuity is visible only to thrift."

. . .

"If economy means 'management of a household,' then we have a system of national accounting that bears no resemblance to the national economy whatsoever, for it is not the record of our life at home but the fever chart of our consumption. national economy--the health of which might be indicated by our net national product, derived by subtracting our real losses from our real gains--is perhaps a top secret, the existence of which even the government has not yet suspected.

"One reason for this is the geographical separation that frequently exists between losses and gains. Agricultural losses occur on the farm and in farming communities, whereas the great gains of agriculture all occur in cities, just as the profits from coal are realized mainly in cities far from where the coal is mined. Almost always the profit is realized by people who are under no pressure or obligation to realize the losses-- people, that is, who are so positioned by wealth and power that they need assign no value at all to what is lost. The cost of soil erosion is not deducted from the profit on a packaged beefsteak, just as the loss of forest, topsoil, and human homes on a Kentucky mountainside does not reduce the profit on a ton of coal."

"If in the human economy, a squash in the field is worth more than a bushel of soil, that does not mean that food is more valuable than soil; it means simply that we do not know how to value the soil. In its complexity and its potential longevity, the soil exceeds our comprehension; we do not know how to place a just market value on it, and we will never learn how. Its value is inestimable; we must value it, beyond whatever price we put on it, by respecting it."

"But when nothing is valued for what it is, everything is destined to be wasted. Once the values of things refer only to their future usefulness, then an infinite withdrawal of value from the living present has begun. Nothing (and nobody) can then exist that is not theoretically replaceable by something (or somebody) more valuable. The country that we (or some of us) had thought to make our home becomes instead 'a nation rich in natural resources'; the good bounty of the land begins its mechanical metamorphosis into junk, garbage, silt, poison, and other forms of 'waste.'

"The inevitable result of such an economy is that no farm or any other usable property can safely be regarded by anyone as a home, no home is ultimately worthy of our loyalty, nothing is ultimately worth doing, and no place or task or person is worth a lifetime's devotion. 'Waste,' in such an economy, must eventually include several categories of humans--the unborn, the old, 'disinvested' farmers, the unemployed, the 'unemployable.' Indeed, once our homeland, our source, is regarded as a resource, we are all sliding downward toward the ashheap or the dump."

. . .

"The awareness that we are slowly growing into now is that the earthly wildness that we are so complexly dependent upon is at our mercy. It has become, in a sense, our artifact because it can only survive by a human understanding and forbearance that we now must make. The only thing we have to preserve nature with is culture; the only thing we have to preserve wildness with it domesticity.

"To me, this means simply that we are not safe in assuming that we can preserve wildness by making wilderness preserves. Those of us who see that wildness and wilderness need to be preserved are going to have to understand the dependence of these things upon our domestic economy and our domestic behavior. If we do not have an economy capable of valuing in particular terms the durable good of localities and communities, then we are not going to be able to preserve anything. We are going to have to see that, if we want our forests to last, then we must make wood products that last, for our forests are more threatened by shoddy workmanship than by clear-cutting or by fire. Good workmanship--that is, careful, considerate, and loving work--requires us to think considerately of the whole process, natural and cultural, involved in the making of wooden artifacts, because the good worker does not share the industrial contempt for 'raw material.' The good worker loves the board before it becomes a table, loves the tree before it yields the board, loves the forest before it gives up the tree. The good worker understands that a badly made artifact is both an insult to its user and a danger to its source. We could say, then, that good forestry begins with the respectful husbanding of the forest that we call stewardship and ends with well-made tables and chairs and houses, just as good agriculture begins with stewardship of the fields and ends with good meals."